Sowing the Life for Life

Sowing the Life for Life
A farmer is about to sow his mix-seed

Friday, March 25, 2011

Agriculture Crisis and Farmer Suicide in Orissa


Orissa, the 8th largest State with respect to area and 11th largest in terms of population occupies 4.74% of India’s landmass and accounts for 3.58% (2001, Census of India) of the country’s population with 87% of its population living in rural areas. About 50% of the people live below the poverty line as against the national figure of 26%.

Agriculture is the mainstay of Orissa’s economy providing livelihood support to more than 80% of population. The State comprises 4.74% of India’s landmass with total cultivable land of 61.80 lakh hectares of which only 25.20 lakh hectares under cultivation and 41.41 lakh hectares (around 67%) is in rainfed areas. Little more than 88% of the total workforce in the state are rural workers while 84% of the farming households having small and marginal land holdings. The State has all its districts coming under the rainfed regions. The distribution of rainfall is very uneven in terms of time and space. About 60% of the area receives an annual rainfall of no more than the normal of 1451.2 mm. The production potential of these areas is obviously quite limited. Rainfed areas also suffer from droughts almost in every year in the era of ‘changing climate’.

The agriculture sector contributes nearly 30% of the State’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and employs over 70% of the workforce. Out of the total population, 87% live in rural area depending heavily (nearly 73%) on agriculture for employment and sustenance. Marginal and small holders account for 83.8%. 49.7% of the people are BPL (Below Poverty Line) against 26.1% at the national level.

However, in spite of the large population relying upon agriculture, the growth rate in this sector has been consistently low during the last four decades, hovering around 1% per annum.[1] There has been a steady decline in the new investment plan (plan outlay) made by the state government for agriculture and rural development since the official liberalization and opening up of markets began in 1991-92.  Moreover, the percentage outlay for the agriculture and allied sectors has increased during the 11th Plan, against 1.26% allocation during 10th Plan period, but still less in comparison to 9th Plan (3.75%).[2]

In recent times the emphasis is laid on 4% growth in agriculture during the 11th Five Year Plan (2007-08 to 2011-12) Period. As a part of the strategy to achieve the stated target the recent Orissa State Agriculture policy 2008 (OSAP-2008), designed for the development of Agriculture Sector redefines the “development” in terms of economic development rather than sustainable food production. Thus stating a shift in approaches where food growing lands are increasingly converted to commercial crops driven by market forces. The area growing staple food crops (rice and millets) in the state has steadily been shrinking since 2003-04. However, the area under cash crops, e.g. cotton has been doubled during the same time line. According to Orissa Agricultural statistics[3], in between 2002-07, the area under rice has increased by 4%, under cotton by 106%, under floriculture by 800% and agro-fuels were grown in 20,000 hectares in 2007-2008. However, during the same period the area under millets has decreased by 22%. The high external input based ‘Green Revolution’ strategy also continuous in OSAP-2008 which suggests increasing the Seed Replacement Rate (SRR[4]) and the State has achieved 14% SRR in paddy till 2008-09.

The strategic approaches of Green Revolution have already shifted the multi-approach farming system with diverse crops to high external chemical input based mono-cropping system. The policy promises to encourage promotion of farm mechanization by offering a 50% subsidy on all agri-machineries, fertilizers and pesticides. According to the Economic survey of Government of Orissa, the fertilizer consumption has increased by 39%, pesticides by 66% and ground water for irrigation by 102% during the same period.

Farmers in Orissa are more dependent on the monsoon than others, thus more vulnerable to minimum weathered variation. For over a decade, Orissa has been teetering from one extreme weather condition to another: from heat-wave to cyclone, from drought to flood. The state has been declared disaster-affected for 95 years out of the last 105 years: floods have occurred for 50 years, droughts for 32, and cyclones have struck the state for 11 years[5]. The occurrence of drought has become a phenomenon in the State. During the 1950s, only three districts were drought-prone. By the 1980s, the whole of western Orissa, consisting of five districts, became drought-prone. During the 1990s, 25 of the 30 districts became drought-prone. The ‘usual rainy days’ is decreasing; there was poor rain during Kharif-2010, 17 districts out of 30 were declared as drought prone with an average crop loss up-to 70%[6] and the rain fall in the midst of winter i.e. December also ruined the remain harvest[7].

Decrease in farm biodiversity, inadequate food supply system, mono directional policy etc. are likely to make the livelihood systems extremely vulnerable and in turn assumes increase in trend of farmer suicide, conditions of indebtedness, hike in poverty level etc[8]. Degraded natural resources and unpredictable climatic conditions make both farming system and farming community further vulnerable. These have also shown adverse impact on the expenditure-saving and non-economic livelihood strategies of landless, marginal and small farmers such as food-fodder-firewood collection and gathering activities. This has severely affected the decline in the availability of the overall food sources and the food diversity. This rapid decline in farm productivity [food stuff (bio-mass) produced, gathered or collected from a unit land] has serious implications both for dry land farming as well as food security of the state. Today ‘seed replacement’ is being promoted as solution to hunger and nutrition deficiency. A number of indigenous cultivars being cultivated have been irretrievably lost and many are in the process by very limited varieties of genetically uniform semi-dwarf high yielding varieties along with hybrids and genetically modified (GM) crops and made skilled, self-driven farmers to highly depend upon external agencies which put farmer in a never-ending debt trap. This got reflected in the increase in the rural credit.

According to a report published by National Sample Survey Organization, Government of India in 2005, titled “Situation Assessment Survey-Indebtedness of Farmer Households”, 48% of farmer households in Orissa are indebted of which approx 70% have less than a hectare of land. According to report released by the State government, only 34% of total population in the state gets two square meals. The report on Global Hunger Index 2008[9] states that 13 out of 31 districts in the state have been categorized as Severely Food Insecure and 5 come under the Extremely Food Insecure. This hunger and starvation situation of the State ranks it to 6th and 2nd highest position in MMR and IMR respectively[10]. To count on more figures 45% of children under age five are stunted or too short for their age, 61% of women have anemia and two-thirds of expectant mother are anemic.[11] The per capita debt is raised to Rs 9316 in the state[12], but the actual figure estimates much higher than the declaration.

A farmer generally mortgage or sell their land to repay the loan amount, in turn loses control over the land and food system which leads to either migration (indicating the increase of current fallow by 158% and the Net shown area reduced by 11% in last fifteen years, between 1992-93 to 2007-08[13]) or suicide.

The government has not been hesitating in claiming ‘record production’ every other year. But in each of the years, ‘crop loss due to supply of fake or low-quality seed’ or ‘late supply of seed’ has been reported. Post harvest paddy procurement is an all-time issue among the farming community in the state. Distress sale of farm produces is another cause to farmer suicide. For the Khariff-2010, though the Government has declared Rs 1000/- and Rs 1020/- for normal and fine paddy respectively, but the actual price received by the farming community ranges between Rs 720/- to Rs 850/-[14]. Moreover, till date government has procured only 26% of the total produce and the rest has been procured by the private vendors. In addition, the ‘check’ system of payment for the produce has another cause that distresses the debt bound marginal-small community to approach the government.

A trend of debt bound farmer suicide cases has gradually emerged in the State; the Agriculture Minister has informed in the assembly session on 15th February that Newspapers had covered as many as 64 alleged suicides by farmers during 2009-10 and till 10th February of 2010-11. The Minister also counts that altogether 2,639 farmers had allegedly committed suicides from the year 2000. As per SCRB, between the year 2000 and 2008, more than 250 farmers took extreme steps every year in the State except 2000. From 2002 to 2004, number of such suicides crossed 300 in a year. Moreover, the actual estimation counts 73 numbers during the same period and still more heads are yet to count. However, the State Government has found no evidence of ‘agriculture failure' to be the reason behind farmers’ suicides in the State since the year 2000[15].

It is evident that many farmers who ended their lives had taken loans from cooperative societies, micro-finance organizations and even from money lenders. They were under pressure to pay back the loan amount. Activists say the crop loss due to drought during Kharif 2010 along with unseasonal rain in November and December 2010 had also led to spate of suicides of landless, marginal-small farmers’ in the State. While the government was taking steps to increase soil fertility, farm mechanization and irrigation facilities through bore-wells in hard-rock areas in 17 districts, added by the Agri-Minister. But, again it seems to create more vulnerable situation only rather than providing sustainable solutions to the small farm holders.

In such a situation, it is imperative to find ways and means to enable the farmers to assess their collective indigenous knowledge and resource base, establish their rights over it, and find avenues to use it more productively improving the quality of their own lives.

Thus, it demands to analyze the situation of farmer suicides through actual estimation of the factors that regulate/control the ‘farm-family economy’ of landless, marginal and small land holders. It pushes a study, involving the community very directly will possibly explore an analytic critic regarding the complex situation of loss of livelihood opportunity, food crisis and farmer suicide.

Hence, this is the need to expose the system that contributes towards destabilization of farming system approach resulting in food crisis and in turn enhance hunger-poverty-migration and social-economical-environmental imbalance pushing the farmers towards such extreme steps.


[1] Mamta Swain, Performance of Agriculture in Orissa, Inter-temporal and Spatial Variations, Orissa Development Report, Planning Commission, India, 2005.
[2] Annual Plan 2008-09, Orissa
[3] An annual publication brought out by the Department of Agriculture, Government of Orissa.
[4] SRR refers to the percentage of area under a specific crop in which improved / certified seeds are used replacing the traditional seed varieties in a given crop season in order to increase the productivity.
[5] www.infochangeindia.org
[6] As answered by Agriculture Minister on 10th December in Assembly session.
[7] The state has received 5 to 93.6 mm rain during 6th-10th December 2010 leading to huge crop loss, as answered by Agriculture Minister on 10th December in Assembly session.
[8] Suresh Tendulkar report on Poverty Estimation says that in Orissa, 57.2% of population lives under poverty, a 15% hike over the estimation: http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?670861
[9] The report is released by Food Security Outcome Index (FSOI) & Health indicators published by the Institute for Human Development and UN World Food Programme.
[10] SRS 2004-2006 & SRS Bulletin, Vol-44 N0.1, October 2009.
[11] National Family Health Survey (NFHS) 2005-06, Government of India
[12] As answered by Finance Minister on 6th December 2010 in Assembly questionnaire session
[13] Economic Survey 2007-08, Directorate of Economics & Statistics, Bhubaneswar, Govt. of Orissa
[14] A survey made in Southern Rayagada, Eastern Nayagarh and Western Baragarh district of Odisha
[15] State finds no evidence of ‘farm failure' behind farmers' suicides: Satyasundar Barik; http://www.hindu.com/2011/02/16/stories/2011021661310300.htm

Thursday, March 10, 2011

Another Green Revolution

Another Green Revolution
an article by Dr K P Pravakaran, an Agricultural Scientist

Time to think for the Planet either we need another Green Revolution, if yes, do we need a 'deshaj' green revolution using jaibic krishi prakriya, desi beej and SRI like practice approach...

While continuing with our conventional inbreeding technology, we ought to scout for more and more native germplasms which have shown resilience in adverse conditions A PADDY FIELD NEEDS 2,000 LITRES OF WATER TO PRODUCE A KILOGRAM OF GRAIN. INDIA HAS THE LARGEST AREA UNDER RICE BUT ITS PRODUCTIVITY IS WAY BEHIND LEADING RICE PRODUCING COUNTRIES LIKE CHINA AND VIETNAM. CHINA NOTCHES UP AVERAGE YIELD OF 6.61 TONNES PER HECTARE AND INDIA'S 3.37 TONNES PALES IN COMPARISON
the farmer's search for sustainable livelihood and ecologically sound practices in the face of the climatic uncertainties and dipping water table, coupled with unsustainable chemical-oriented agricultural practices, and the government's focus on industry-promoted solutions to boost rice yield.
In Mandya district of Karnataka, paddy farmer Boregowda of Shivahalli village switched to traditional varieties, Coimbatore Sanna and Doddibatha, a collection from his grandfather's times, from the dwarf `high yielding' Jaya, propped up by a high input technology. Output declined from about 2.5-2.7 tonnes per acre, to about 1.8 tonnes. But he more than made up the loss because he followed organic practices and sold his rice as `organic rice' for a much higher price. These local varieties had disappeared after the Kannambadi dam brought irrigation to the area. When one switches from the high input technology to low input organic agriculture, initially the yield will drop. But invariably after about three seasons, yield stabilises. Boregowda now harvests about 2.7-3 tonnes per acre, the yield as much or even more than Jaya, and what is more, his rice fetches a much better market price, because it is organically grown and tastes far better than the insipid Jaya.
It is the same experience either in far off Koraput in Orissa or Palakkad in Kerala, where the Navarai variety is highly sought after by practitioners of Ayurveda. The point to be examined is: Can traditional varieties alone meet India’s growing food needs? The Planning Commission estimates that the country will require 122.1 million tonnes of rice by 2020, to meet food security norms. At the current 1.34 per cent annual growth rate in rice production, India can hope to harvest no more than 106 million tonnes, leaving a huge shortfall of more than 16 million tonnes.

It is here that the agricultural mandarins in New Delhi are talking about hybrid rice.

The country, having made remarkable strides with hybrid rice, is now going full steam on Super Hybrid rice. China started the efforts way back in the Sixties, coinciding with our own green revolution, when the mention of hybrid rice to our agricultural messiahs would have been like teaching Latin to a fourth grader! They were just content with importing the dwarf wheat seed from Mexico (courtesy Normam Borlaug), multiplying it and distributing among farmers, and calling it a ‘green revolution’.

India needs to tread carefully on the hybrid rice bandwagon. When we transpose the Chinese model, we ought to remember that, by and large, our soils are far less fertile than China’s; we have aberrant climatic conditions compared to conducive climate in China. More than 90 per cent of rice fields are irrigated in China (compared to 56 per cent in India, the rest being direct seeded and rain-fed), and Chinese resort to
high fertiliser use. If one were to study the spread of hybrid rice elsewhere in the world, the report card is dismal, except for Vietnam, an early entrant to the hybrid technology in 1985, compared to China’s in 1964. Japan, another big rice producer and consumer, has practically rejected the technology and confined itself to the usual inbred line technology, as in India. But the most important point to be taken care of is the public-private sector tie-up in hybrid rice seed production. Whereas in China not a single private seed company is allowed, and all the 50 producing seeds are government funded, in India only 15 are government sponsored institutions like the Directorate of Rice Research in Hyderabad.

Thirty are private firms. This is an inherent danger, because, once seed production is monopolised by private trade, the Indian farmer becomes a slave to MNCs.

Hybrid rice is riddled with problems.

Seed quality is poor, production will add at least `2,000 to the farmer’s budget, the shelf life is limited, multiplication facility is inadequate, and to cap it all, there is trade hostility. While continuing with our conventional inbreeding technology, we ought to scout for more native germplasms, which have shown resilience in many adverse environmental conditions like drought, excess salt in soil, submergence due to flooding, which are capturing the attention of farmers in many Indian pockets.

To ensure that we do not abuse our soil or water resources with unsustainable high input technology of chemical agriculture, we could even look at the System of Rice Intensification (SRI), where input use is minimal, both fertilisers, water and pesticide. To make a rice revolution happen, our hugely funded public sector in agriculture must wake up from its current slumber.